Sont stock options haram

Ce qui rassemble, si vous voulez, serait ainsi dans cette perspective plus fondamental que ce qui distingue. On est plus vite dans la réaction, mais peut-être, que le fait de plus de spontanéité rend le propos plus naturel???

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Equally, there is much that can be done to make behaviours that promote the public good more prestigious and satisfying than those that sacrifice the public interest for private gain. This is because corruption, like honesty, tends to persist. Corrupt behaviour is self-reinforcing, and breaking out of it is not easy.

A co-ordinated push for international action thus makes national initiatives more likely to succeed and more worthwhile to attempt.

It can help those societies that are still struggling with the problems that Britain faced in the 19th century. Britain has already done much to make global corruption more difficult. The Government has led the way in dismantling this labyrinth of deceit: Britain has rapidly changed from being part of the problem to being a pioneer of the solution, but quite evidently following the money is subject to a weakest-link problem.

Corrupt money will hide wherever it can, so it is vital that all the major legal and financial centres close the loopholes. There is scope to extend transparency beyond bank deposits to other major assets such as property. There is also considerable scope for those governments that adopt effective measures for following the money to require all companies that wish to do business with them to comply with these standards, providing global reach for national efforts.

A second contribution has been to increase transparency in key sectors. In North America and Europe, what began as voluntary revenue transparency is now evolving into a legal requirement. Meanwhile the EITI is becoming the established international standard-setting entity for the sector, extending voluntarism beyond simple revenue reporting to matters such as contracts. There is now an equivalent voluntary initiative for the construction sector and it warrants similar co-ordinated propulsion.

A third contribution has been to increase accountability: Clamping down on bribery is a classic instance of the free-rider problem: The alternative to such co-operation is a race to the bottom that the businesses of no decently governed country can win. There is, equally, plenty of scope for contributing to the complementary approach of making public good more prestigious and satisfying than the private gains generated by abuse of office.

Take, for example, tax administration, which is fundamental to effective government. In many poor countries, tax administration is an epicentre of corruption. As a specific example, consider the administration of Value-Added Tax VAT , which is a means of revenue-raising encouraged globally by the International Monetary Fund IMF because it is less distorting than most other taxes.

Even before VAT, many tax inspectors were corrupt, using their power to tax firms as a means of extorting money for themselves: VAT has reduced revenue, because it expanded the options available to corrupt tax officials. It works by firms initially paying tax on their gross sales, but then getting a rebate on the inputs they have purchased, so that they end up only paying tax on the value they have added to those inputs. But in a country that introduces a VAT, a corrupt tax official can now sell a firm phoney tax receipts on inputs, in addition to the standard extortion racket.

As a result, the rebate system ends up paying out more than the sales tax component of VAT is paying in. Clearly at the core of this phenomenon are norms of behaviour among tax officials, such that seizing opportunities for private gain is seen as both more prestigious and more satisfying than contributing to the public good of generating tax revenue and the public services it can finance. How might Britain, and other countries in which VAT collection does not face such problems, help to change this perception?

Social prestige and personal satisfaction are largely set within peer groups: Hence a practical way of changing the behaviour of corrupt officials is to alter the group of people they regard as their peers. Currently, a corrupt tax official is likely to have two key networks in which they seek prestige: Their family will honour them for helping relatives who lack opportunities to earn a large income: Their fellow tax inspectors, subject to the same family pressures, may see corruption as reasonable.

They may even regard honest behaviour as a threat to their own conduct and therefore disloyal. A useful way of changing this state of affairs is to twin those tax administrations in which corruption is endemic with administrations in countries that are not corrupt. Twinning could involve regular secondments of staff in both directions and the potential for accreditation to international professional associations at various ranks.

The purpose would not primarily be a transfer of technical skills, although that could clearly be a component, but rather a gradual transfer of attitudes and behaviours.

The new network exposes the official to the potential of a new identity as a member of a prestigious international peer group of modern tax officials, working to global, not local, standards. It exposes the official to a new narrative circulating in the network: Exposure to these new attitudes creates a tension between the behaviour that would generate prestige and self-worth in the old networks and the behaviour that would generate prestige and self-worth in the new network.

Creating this tension is not the end of the story, but it is an essential step. The other key step is to tackle the co-ordination problem: For example, many governments have closed corrupt tax departments within their ministries of finance and replaced them with independent revenue authorities, a change that has usually been reasonably successful.

An analogous way for international twinning to overcome the co-ordination problem is for all the staff in an entire unit to be exposed to the international network at the same time. Each official in the unit would then realise that their colleagues were facing the same tension between old and new networks and hence the same choice. There are already a few examples of institutional twinning. Also, until a decade ago, governors of the Bank of England used to host an annual meeting for governors of African central banks.

But the scope for twinning is vast, relative to what is, as yet, happening both in governments and in the wider society.

Around the world, governments have similar structures. For example, virtually all governments in low-income countries have a ministry of transport, a ministry of health and a ministry of finance.

OECD governments have been liaising with these ministries for half a century, but the entities that are linked to them are their aid agencies not their counterpart ministries.

Direct links with counterpart ministries have the potential for a very different form of relationship based on peer-group networks, rather than on money with conditions. An important example is the regulation of utilities such as electricity. Many governments of low-income countries are now establishing regulatory agencies, which is a vital step in attracting private finance for infrastructure. But the regulation of utilities faces intense pressures for corruption: In the OECD, regulatory agencies have been operating for two or three decades.

The OECD has also built peer group networks that have evolved peer standards of independence, transparency and impartiality. New regulatory agencies would benefit from becoming part of this distinctive culture. Such specialised inter-government peer groups are indeed the core activity of the OECD. But membership of the OECD is confined to the governments of high-income countries. This is designed to embed tax inspectors for OECD governments in the tax authorities of poor countries on secondment for several months: An obvious extension would be to make this a two-way exchange of staff.

More seriously, while the OECD initiative is excellent it is a drop in the ocean. The restricted membership of the OECD limits its scope to forge global links and there is no other international institution with the remit to build peer- group links across government departments between rich countries and poor ones.

Perhaps this role should become a core function of national aid agencies such as DFID, but it would benefit from a co-ordinated kick-start by several heads of government. Twinning has the potential to be extended well beyond government: Again, historically such links have largely been confined to development non-governmental organisations NGOs such as Oxfam, which channel donations to needs. But an important part of tackling corruption is resetting the cultures of professions, including accountancy, law, medicine and teaching.

For example, in many poor countries, it is socially acceptable for teachers not to show up for lessons. Twinning involving things like teacher exchanges between schools could help to shift these dysfunctional values. The global explosion of social media has made this far more feasible.

The two approaches of closing off opportunities for corruption and reducing the prestige and satisfaction generated by corrupt behaviour reinforce each other. As the difficulties and risks of corrupt behaviour rise, fewer people will behave corruptly.

This directly reduces the esteem from being corrupt because it is no longer so normal. Similarly, as more people start to get their esteem from being honest, those who remain corrupt are easier to spot and so find themselves running bigger risks. National actions against corruption complement international actions.

One major way of squeezing out corruption is to remove obvious sources of rent-seeking such as rationed access to foreign exchange and the award of government contracts through secret negotiation rather than open bidding.

Competition within rule-based markets is an important part of the system of checks and balances that constrain public officials from the abuse of office. Another is to prosecute some prominent senior officials.

For example, in Ghana, 20 judges were sacked in late for accepting bribes based on video evidence gathered by an investigative journalist BBC News Being based on independent evidence, such sackings cannot be misinterpreted as government attempts to crush political opposition. Further, as high-profile events, they generate common knowledge among officials that all other officials are reflecting on whether they should change their behaviour.

Not all corruption is directly financial. Electoral corruption is highly damaging. New research finds that, under normal conditions, governments that deliver good economic performance enhance their prospects of retaining office, but that the discipline of accountability breaks down when elections are not free and fair Collier and Hoeffler Twinning national electoral commissions with their international peers, along with twinning local and international election monitors, can help to raise standards of electoral conduct.

An international initiative against corruption provides an opportunity for national actions and international actions to cohere. As people recognise that the calculus of risks and rewards and the sources of prestige and satisfaction are changing both for themselves and their colleagues, previously entrenched patterns of behaviour could become unstable.

Mass shifts in cultures of corruption do happen and it is possible to make them happen. His latest book is Exodus: Someone who is corrupt is described as being bobolu and people have deep disdain for such a person.

In most of Africa though, there are few similar words of such powerful home-grown cultural resonance. The idea of stealing communal goods was literally taboo. Generosity of heart, even to strangers, but especially to relatives no matter how distant , is a quality much admired by Africans generally.

And in 18 of the 28 countries, the feeling was that their governments were doing badly in the fight against corruption. The report said that, despite these disappointing findings, the bright spots across the continent were in Botswana, Burkina Faso, Lesotho and Senegal.

Citizens in these countries were some of the most positive in the region when discussing corruption Transparency International and Afrobarometer In environments where corruption is systemic but lacks cultural resonance, creating a climate where social sanction can be applied against corrupt practices has been challenging.

The task therefore is two-fold: The war against graft political corruption has reached the point where the shame and social sanctions directed against this kind of theft and thief need to be given greater prominence in the arsenal used to fight corruption. This applies especially in developing countries where its consequences can be — and often are — deadly. As such, the whole approach to corruption needs to be re-examined: Integral to this are the principles of legal authority and equality before the law.

The equality component is essential: The following complementary but separate factors in a society are critical: Each derives its legitimacy from history and the traditional ways in which meaning is made. By their very nature, they are far more negotiable — existing as they do in a constant state of flux in a dynamic world. Our success depends on how effectively we bring and use them together in the fight against corruption. We do this cognisant of the fact that grand corruption, when compared to the drug trade, human trafficking, terrorism finance and other global evils, is the most easily rationalisable major felonious activity on the planet.

During the years to , corruption was at the centre of the global development agenda. In , Transparency International was founded. In the mid-to-late s, corruption was adopted as a key development issue by the multilateral and bilateral development institutions. The following decade saw the rise of the BRIC nations2 and rapid economic growth across much of the developing world, as well as globalisation and its associated technologies assisting the expansion of trade and commerce.

At the same time, the struggle against Islamic extremism captured the attention of policy makers in the international community. Alongside it, unfortunately, has also come a rapid growth in the scale and complexity of corruption. So much so, that anti-corruption work needs to be returned urgently to the heart of the global development agenda. It needs to be part of the DNA of modern nation-states, multinational corporations, non-governmental organisations NGOs and even religious organisations and how they interact on the global stage.

This urgency comes from the fact that graft has served to hollow out key governance institutions in some countries. This includes the defence and security sector and areas of social policy such as health and education, with dire consequences for the public services they are supposed to offer the poor, in particular.

The crippling impact of corruption on the delivery of these essential services has deepened economic inequalities, undermining faith in political processes, parties and politicians. In turn, this increases political volatility as politicians retreat to identity and personality politics with its complex web of non-negotiable irrationalities.

It also feeds fundamentalism of all kinds — for example, ethnic, religious and sectarian. This also does serious damage to the independence, legitimacy and integrity of the service sector — in particular, banks, law firms and auditing firms — and deepens the challenges corruption poses.

The growth of the latter has been buoyed by the dramatic expansion and sophistication of the internet and an increasing variety of communication platforms. Although it can involve an individual or group of individuals, this sector forms itself into sophisticated entities. As I pointed out previously, businesses find corruption the easiest felonious activity to rationalise, especially in cross-cultural contexts. For them, relationships are tradable products that can be leveraged for a profit and not a social currency that helps make trade and commerce flow more smoothly within the law.

So how do we fight these piratical shadows? Corruption is defined as the abuse of vested authority for private gain. Leading global advocacy organisations such as ONE have even made efforts to quantify the cost of graft in lives McNair et al. As the recent FIFA scandal has demonstrated, unconstrained corruption also threatens valued cultural institutions and traditions that we all hold dear.

At the same time, the complexity of the legal compliance environment — vis-à-vis anti-corruption, anti-money laundering and other illicit activities — that the genuine private sector has to contend with has increased exponentially. This means we are at a critical juncture. It calls for a renewed global partnership against corruption to match, and even exceed, the concentrated and successful advocacy that followed the fall of the Berlin Wall.

The new push needs to identify, disrupt and delegitimise the global networks of corruption in money laundering; terrorism finance; drug, people and environmental trafficking; and other illicit activities. This requires new global partnerships that target the information-era entities and domiciles that these networks rely on.

They may be offshore tax havens or low-compliance jurisdictions where the ever-expanding raft of international regulations aimed at dealing with graft and illicit flows have limited currency. To be fully effective, however, this reinvigoration of the rule of law must go hand in hand with action to create a cultural climate in which the corrupt — the thieves — are shamed for what they do. Indeed, effecting change in the culture and traditions — which inform what is acceptable behaviour — is perhaps even more important in societies where legal institutions based on the Western model are nascent, or where their existence is being energetically contested, as it is in important parts of the developing world.

The release by WikiLeaks of US diplomatic cables in was a controversial episode of unofficial transparency and a powerful interrupter to the global status quo regarding corruption in relations between nation-states.

It revealed the corrupt practices that ruling elites are capable of to the growing youth populations of regions such as the Middle East. The reverberations of this are still being felt. Across Latin America and in the developed world, revelations of inappropriate, corrupt and unethical behaviour by leaders — in both the private and corporate sectors — have created a level of criticism from the public that is unprecedented in some countries.

Presidents have been forced to step down and others turned into lame ducks while still in office by dramatic mass expressions of discontent boosted by social media. In this sense the change has already begun — untidily, noisily, chaotically and even bloodily — in many places. The outcome is uncertain. But, in the long term, it will be dramatically different from the status quo.

In addition to institutions such as an International Anti- Corruption Court as a further step towards increasing transparency, strengthening enforcement and securing restitution, the tools of visa revocations, personalised financial sanctions and more harmonised extradition mechanisms could actually be cheaper and more effective in tackling corruption than prosecutions — which are always tortuous.

However, for these measures to enjoy legitimacy around the world, they must be applied, and be seen to apply, with equal force across the different regions of both the developed and developing world. To conclude, a successful international anti-corruption campaign requires co-operation on a global scale and specific legal measures that help transform attitudes towards corruption and the ability to prosecute the corrupt. Although it may take longer, embedding a culture of social sanction and censure for anyone found guilty of engaging in, facilitating or condoning corrupt activity, even to the extent that those holding office lose public trust, would support these measures.

They need to be seen as bobolu. They need to feel the social stigma when they attend family gatherings, visit the golf club or step into the supermarket — as much to set an example to others as to punish the individual, impressing on the whole community that corruption will not be tolerated. John has been involved in anti-corruption research, advisory work and activism in Kenya, Africa and the wider international community for 19 years.

This includes work in civil society, media, government and the private sector. Risk Advisory Group Report: Illicit Financial Flows from Developing Countries: The Trillion Dollar Scandal Study. The Risk Advisory Group. The Compliance Horizon Survey. Corruption Perceptions Index — Lesotho. Transparency International and Afrobarometer. Africa Survey — Global Corruption Barometer.

United Nations Convention against Corruption: Signature and Ratification Status as of 1 December The early spring of saw thousands of angry people on the streets of Chisinau, capital of the tiny Republic of Moldova. We believe that the citizens of Moldova were victims of a transnational web of corruption, benefiting politicians and criminals who used complex multi-layered company structures to conceal both their identities and their activities.

Regrettably, this story is not unique. The power of these crime groups stems primarily from their ability to operate with ease across national frontiers. They complete a detailed risk assessment at the country level and then choose the least vulnerable approach to conduct their illicit activities, whether in narcotics, refugee trafficking or the massive money laundering exercises that follow such crimes.

The problem for national law enforcement is that, by definition, it cannot follow this type of crime easily or quickly across borders. Data exchanges between states and law enforcement agencies take time. Modern crime schemes are designed to have very short lives to avoid detection, lasting sometimes just months before the associated companies and bank accounts are wound up and replaced by new ones.

Yet alongside the advantages available for criminals of operating on this global scale, making it inherently harder to track them down, there are also disadvantages that the clever journalist or law enforcement official can exploit to expose them. So how do we do this? How do we stop criminal gangs and the corrupt politicians they rely on — conducting business as usual? Firstly, I will argue, through data: Secondly, by journalists using advanced investigative techniques, including the emerging discipline of data journalism, to identify the patterns and practices inherent in corrupt activity.

Opaque systems allow them to thrive. And some of them go to great lengths to disguise their wrongdoing, using financial and company structures that span the world. Such criminal schemes are designed by creative and intelligent, if misguided, people. Some of them could have been the next Steve Jobs, but found crime more appealing.

For years, from the early s, Russian, Ukrainian, Romanian and many other Eastern European mobsters and politicians were using Cyprus as a place to hide their activities behind labyrinthine corporate structures. It reached the point where Cyprus, with a population of little more than one million, became one of the main investors in Eastern and Central Europe.

Not all of these investors were criminal enterprises as many used Cyprus for tax optimisation purposes. But there is hardly a country in the region — from the former Yugoslavia to Russia and beyond — where Cyprus-based companies were not involved in huge, rigged privatisation scandals. In , when Cyprus joined the European Union EU and started opening databases, including a registry of locally based companies, things began to change.

Investigative reporters began combing through millions of records and, in many instances, came across the names of beneficial owners the real owners of the company — who thought they were sheltered from public scrutiny.

Politicians and criminals were caught off guard and exposed in press articles that led to arrests and resignations. Their past misdemeanours made future involvement in business problematic. However, they started fighting back almost immediately, substituting their names in company documents with those of professional proxies — usually Cypriot lawyers who would lend their name to just about anyone who wanted to conceal their identity.

In addition to this, the Cyprus registry is relatively expensive to use and searchable only by company name. As a result, Cyprus still offers only partial transparency. Yet even in countries with a stronger record, you can hit barriers. And in the past few years, OCCRP investigations have revealed the involvement of an Auckland-based company that was run by a nominee in obscuring the ownership of companies across Eastern Europe.

Secretive media ownership is a huge problem across the region where, in many instances, the general public has no idea who is delivering the news. Once OCCRP exposed this non-transparent structure, its ownership was just moved to British companies that were again meant to obscure the identity of the real owners of the television station Media Ownership Project It matters because well-structured and accessible databases can be goldmines for investigators and members of the public.

This was the catalyst for investigative articles that exposed corrupt dictators, criminals and their close associates all over the world. This simple technical adjustment opened their activities up to public scrutiny, costing them untold millions of dollars. The same principle applies to other official databases. For example, court records, government spending and tenders databases vary greatly in their organisation, accessibility and quality of data.

In many jurisdictions, it takes investigators a lot of navigating, mining and shopping for data to find the evidence they are looking for. The opening up of company information and databases has to be accompanied by effective policies that ensure their accessibility, integrity, security and usefulness.

Civic hacker collectives, journalists and civil society groups should be consulted to help determine the most useful access to data that also mitigates any privacy concerns.

Governments requiring offshore companies operating in a country to identify their true beneficial ownership would also greatly reduce the space in which criminals can work and increase the costs they incur. Law enforcement must also jump on board the open data train and take advantage of advances in technology in order to keep pace with the criminals.

Just like journalists, police officers and intelligence analysts need to master cross-border, multi-language, open-source intelligence to fight sophisticated serious crime. While it is true that data obtained in informal ways cannot always be used to build strong court cases, it can greatly shorten the time required for the investigative process.

Obtaining documents sequentially through official channels from other countries can take months or even years. Say, for example, that the police in the UK need information on a company based in Russia. They have to file requests and wait, sometimes for a year, only to find out that the Russian company is owned by a Cyprus limited firm. It might take another year to identify the next owner in a nested structure. Finally, the trail might end with bearer shares: Compare this with the adaptability of organised crime, which — albeit operating under no formal constraint — broke free from the nation-state mindset long ago.

In the international space governed by weak international protocols and bilateral agreements, organised crime at present has no natural enemy. While criminals recognise no borders and are not bound by strict local rules, national and legal boundaries, a lack of resources continues to hamper law enforcement.

Geopolitics can also deter cross-border collaborative initiatives between nation-states, which may find themselves at odds with their neighbours or dealing with governments that are themselves riddled with corruption.

There are, to be sure, examples of criminal networks being disbanded in a number of countries as a result of co- operation between law enforcement agencies.

This did not necessarily prevent the mobsters from re-forming elsewhere outside those jurisdictions. Nevertheless, increased access to open data could help to boost cross-border co-operation and journalists can play an increasingly important role in it. Investigative reporting is — and can be even more — the natural enemy of criminal networks and, when practised collaboratively, it acts as an effective watchdog.

It can change the status quo in innovative ways that are not immediately obvious. Journalists and the public alike expect prosecutors to act after each journalistic exposé, with the desired result being arrests, convictions, repatriation of lost assets and other positive outcomes. Owing to limited human resources and a lack of skills, interest or even competence, this expectation is not always realised.

However, regardless of law enforcement action or inaction, public exposure can adversely affect, and even stop, criminal businesses operating in other jurisdictions. Such exposure can also influence long-term changes in public attitudes, which can lead, in turn, to protests against, and even election defeats for, discredited parties or politicians.

With the stakes so high, it is essential that the journalism itself is rigorous, credible and transparent. Governments, banks and financial institutions in general rely on open source information when deciding whether to give loans, enter business deals or accept money transactions.

Effective data journalism can also help expose financial irregularity or illegality and prevent crime figures or oligarchs securing loans, opening accounts or making other transactions. Using advanced investigative techniques, journalism can degrade international organised crime and corrupt networks even before they are firmly established within a jurisdiction.

Corrupt politicians, officials and criminals view the proceeds of their illicit schemes as commodities to be repeatedly imported and exported and are always looking for new territories in which to generate profit. When journalists work collaboratively across frontiers, sharing data, this practice can be identified and compromised. It takes a network to monitor a network. However, such is the scale of the problem and the ubiquity of organised crime that these efforts can seem to be only scratching the surface.

What journalists can do is share with colleagues in other countries details of the patterns of crime they have already detected in their own. This would enable wider cross-border investigations to determine whether the same criminal groups are setting up shop in other jurisdictions. For example, a criminal group sets up Limited Liability Partnerships LLPs that are all owned by a set of companies with their headquarters on a particular street in Belize City, Belize.

In future, with the proper resources, this kind of pattern recognition could be facilitated and automated through the development of specific algorithms.

Crime groups will inevitably react by altering their activities to avoid detection. But, crucially, this will hamper their operations and cost them more in money and time. Automated searches of ever-larger, global, transparent datasets can feed real-time alerts to journalists all over the world. To conclude, a key component to fighting future crime is increased cross-border co-operation between journalists and programmers, who need to employ and create new advanced investigative techniques on top of massive amounts of data.

At the same time, activists and governments need to push for more transparency, quality and common standards in open data. He is also a board member of the Global Investigative Journalism Network http: Spring again in the Republic of Moldova — mass protest against corruption.

A Guide for Judges. Panama Registry of Companies. Taylor Network Back in Business. Not three months back, in the midst of Friday prayers, Boko Haram struck the Grand Mosque in the old fortress-like centre of town. The dead and the bloodied lay strewn in their hundreds across the public square. I imagine the girl. She may be 14 or She returns home from school each day with her friends, the white veils of their school uniforms fluttering like matched plumage.

I picture the glistening eyes of some overfed judge as he reaches for her. Abruptly another image comes to mind: Already disillusioned, he is pushed right over the edge. He would kill that judge if he could. And Boko Haram, all around this town, would like nothing more than to help him do it. I could suddenly understand how it happens. I could see how the corruption perpetrated by officials of the then Nigerian administration — like that of many governments around the world — was itself helping to generate the terrorist threat.

The problem, I realised, is far more severe than white elephants or poor service delivery. It is these connections — between government corruption and terrorism or other violence — that this essay explores. Corruption is one of those consensual topics. International charities and multilateral organisations have worked hard to combat it, racking up impressive achievements in recent years.

Anti- bribery laws, once unheard of, have spread well beyond their initial US—UK beachhead. Major arrests and asset seizures are increasingly common, as are citizen-led anti-corruption protests. Such protests have resulted in the resignation of senior officials or their ousting through the ballot box. And yet, when push comes to shove in bilateral relations, Western governments, businesses and charities are still most likely to prioritise other imperatives ahead of corruption.

If an international aid agency or philanthropic organisation has set its sights on delivering health programming to rural villages, its government may be reticent to act against corruption in the host country for fear the precious permissions to operate will be cancelled.

Corruption helps facilitate economic activity and growth, some maintain. Who are we to impose our norms? Upon closer inspection, it thus appears that corruption is not so consensual after all. A remarkable number of Westerners actually argue in favour of it. Of all the competing priorities, the one that most swiftly trumps anti-corruption is security. Co-operating with this or that corrupt leader is seen as critical, because he is our partner in the war against terrorism.

His is the only military worth its salt in the region, troops that actually go on the attack against militants. He provides us with intelligence or bases or overflight rights. And so the kleptocratic practices of his network of cronies are overlooked.

The purported trade-off between security and corruption is a false dichotomy. Take southern Afghanistan, the former Taliban heartland, where I lived for nearly a decade. In the spring of , a delegation of elders came to visit from Shah Wali Kot district, just north of Kandahar.

I was one of the only foreigners in Kandahar with no guards at my gate. Ministers have huge palaces in Kabul, while the people have nothing. The foreigners should announce that the current Government is thieves. They should put the screws in them, call them on the carpet and demand accounts.

I heard this refrain again and again. The rest had taken up arms in disgust with the Government. This assessment was corroborated by interviews with Taliban detainees in international military custody. Explaining their motivations for joining the insurgency, they cited government corruption more often than any strictly religious rationale. A similar picture emerges from Nigeria.

When Boko Haram launched its first large-scale violent attacks in July , police stations were the first targets. By all accounts, the Nigerian police is one of the most venal and abusive in the world Human Rights Watch Boko Haram was saying the truth about the violations by government agencies against the people.

Finally they could stand up and challenge. They were claiming their rights. Across the Arab world in , populations took to the streets demanding an end to autocratic governments, the prosecution and imprisonment of corrupt officials, and the return of stolen assets. Some analysts see the expansion of extremism, from Daesh in Syria to a tenacious insurgency in Egypt, as a reaction to the failure of those initially non- violent efforts to break the grip of kleptocratic governing elites Muasher Ukraine seems as culturally and historically different from the Middle East as a country can be, yet its revolution was fuelled by similar motivations.

While anti-Russian sentiment and a cultural affinity with Western Europe were important drivers of the Maidan protests, so was disgust at the corrupt Yanukovich Government. The sequel to that revolution has been the first major East—West stand-off since the end of the Cold War, complete with the forcible annexation of territory and the displacement of more than a million people.

The difficult question, especially regarding religious violence, is why? What is it about corruption that should drive people to such extremes? Four elements of corruption in its current form help to provide an explanation: Abuses of this nature can spark a burning need for retribution.

In studies of violence ranging from Palestinian uprisings to gang shootings in the United States, insult or humiliation is found to be a key factor Longo, Canetti and Hite-Rubin ; Black Given the obvious connections between religion and morality, the moral depravity underlying the abuse is frequently understood in religious terms.

We would have a fair and just society. Secondly, with government perpetrating the crimes, there is no earthly hope of recourse. Deprived of any peaceful means of redress against an abusive government, even the founders of our own Western democracies rebelled. Period documents from these milestones in democratic development indicate that in none of them did protagonists and ordinary citizens turn to violence gladly, but felt compelled to it after exhausting every other avenue and obtaining not the slightest concession Robertson The unassailable impunity that Sardar Muhammad was lamenting derives from the third important feature of corruption as it currently exists in dozens of countries — how deeply it is embedded in state machinery.

The kind of severe corruption that is common today is systemic. It is the practice of sophisticated networks armed with all the instruments of state function. They use those instruments to serve their aims — which largely boil down to personal enrichment. In many cases, these entities should not be thought of as governments at all, much less fragile or failing ones, but rather as savvy and successful criminal organisations. Weaknesses in state function examined in this light may prove to be deliberate, especially in agencies with autonomous power.

Judges or specialised prosecutors are underpaid. Armies are hollowed out to reduce the likelihood of a coup and because defence budgets and military assistance are juicy revenue streams. The results of this latter trend were on vivid display in as the cannibalised militaries of Iraq and Nigeria collapsed at the first sign of a challenge. In other cases, apparently innocuous state agencies such as tax authorities or water departments are fashioned into bludgeons to force compliance.

A Tunisian tax collector explained to me how, under the regime of Zine El-Abidine Ben Ali, certain people were accorded a tax holiday as long as they cut members of the ruling clique into their action. The permissiveness could always be revoked. A trade union representative in Uzbekistan described a similar system to me in So people make a connection in the tax office to pay less. The whole Government is set up that way, to make you do wrong, so then they have you on the hook.

These kleptocratic networks are horizontally integrated. They comprise government officials, businesses such as banks or construction companies, and so-called non- governmental organisations NGOs and implementers of aid — which may in fact be owned by relatives of government officials.

But they also include outright criminals such as smugglers, drug-traffickers and even terrorists. Some within the government service in Algeria in the s, and also officials in Pakistan today, are believed to have maintained operational links with extremists Waldman ; Garçon For foreign governments, charities or businesses seeking to operate in such environments, this horizontal integration makes for particularly difficult navigating.

The familiar distinctions between public and private sectors, licit and illicit actors, simply do not apply. Finally, the amounts of money in play are truly obscene. Former FBI special agent Debra Laprevotte, who worked kleptocracy cases for years, says that the increase has been palpable: Now there are at least five billion-dollar investigations underway.

The development implications of such sums are obvious. Imagine the impact on sustainable economic growth. But when obtained through practices this corrupt, vast wealth in a sea of poverty also has a moral component — hence the easy link to religion. Then, as now, militant puritanical religion, imposed if necessary by force, was seen by some as the only remedy. The picture painted here is a sobering one, particularly for governments, investors and humanitarian organisations that cannot avoid working in such countries.

And especially when security concerns are so severe as to trump other considerations. Still, even in a world in which trade-offs are real and cannot simply be wished away, there are some important lessons to be considered. Governments that ostensibly fight against terror may actually be generating more terrorism than they curb. The international community must do a better job of weighing up the pluses and minuses of partnering with acutely corrupt governments, and thus reinforcing them and facilitating their practices.

If alliances are too close, or pay too little attention to the corruption of host governments, the abused populations may come to associate the international community with the misdeeds of their own rulers.

A more precise understanding of network structures and real dynamics of power must inform planning processes ahead of engagement. It is costly in human and other resources, not to mention politically uncomfortable, to draw up network diagrams — like the ones intelligence or police agencies regularly develop in their study of terrorists or criminals — that map members of ostensibly friendly governments and their cut-outs in business or the criminal world.

But these costs should be weighed against the proven and often disastrous price of blind engagement in such complex environments. Across sectors, companies whose business models actually depend on servicing kleptocratic officials — such as some banks, lawyers, estate agents, registered agents, various extractive and other resource- based businesses, and international construction contractors — are contributing to significant security threats in their own countries.

Should their public-spiritedness remain wanting, then sanctions applied to them for colluding with illegal corrupt practices should be stiffened, commensurate with the harm they are doing. Western citizens should begin pressurising such businesses. Beggars, Iconoclasts and Civic Patriots: The Political Culture of the Dutch Revolt.

Why Corruption Threatens Global Security. Les GIA sont une creation des services de securite algeriens. Afghanistan, National Corruption Survey. Evidence from a natural experiment on travel restrictions in the West Bank.

American Journal of Political Science, 58 4 , pp. Alghad Afkar wa Mawaqaf. Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, p. High Hopes and Missed Opportunities in Iraq. Recent Patterns and Trends. The Sun in the Sky: Not what I thought they would be. It seems hard to believe now that the journey began with the expectation of standards higher than would ever be found in civilian life.

There is, of course, much to recall that was glorious, exciting and uplifting, sporting stuff that makes you think anything is possible. How many winter evenings has he brightened? But even in the beautiful game, bad things were happening. Our obsession with football created a global popularity that would lead to extraordinary riches pouring into the game. That money needed to be managed and those in control needed to be accountable.

We are speaking of systems of good governance, but greed got a head start and governance never caught up. With great wealth comes power and that attracts the corruptible. That was Seoul I never saw such an outpouring of national pride. The thing about watching something live is that it leaves a deeper, more lasting impression. Inside your living room, you see the story unfold.

Inside the stadium, you feel it. That September in Seoul, Florence Griffith-Joyner, an American athlete, set new world records in the metres and metres. They will stand for a long time yet, those records. I saw her get the metre record, decelerating in the home straight. It was a heart-sinking moment. There were allegations of doping, unproven. Florence Griffith-Joyner died at 38, far too soon Walsh Ben Johnson was a different story.

Can you imagine being awoken by a loud knock on your apartment door at 3. Doug Gillon, from The Glasgow Herald, stood there. The words landed like ice-cold water on a sleepy face. Ben Johnson changed the landscape. Some of the things that had drawn us as kids to sport were being crushed by a will to win that recognised no boundaries.

A few days from the end, there was another drug controversy when Pedro Delgado, the Spanish-born race leader, provided a urine sample that contained the drug probenecid, used by athletes to mask their use of proscribed substances. A strange case for sure. Delgado, it was initially speculated, would be docked ten minutes but not thrown off the race. The Dutch rider, Steven Rooks, would then be the new leader and, with the race almost complete, the certain winner.

Rooks saw my righteousness for what it was. What I believe he was telling me, in code, of course, was that athletes in the Tour de France do what they have to do, and no one is guiltier or more innocent than another. Strange how crushing that moment seemed. Over the years that followed, I became a different kind of sports writer — less gullible, even aggressively sceptical. Something Albert Camus wrote strikes a chord: We want sport to be believable.

Alas, the reality is far from that and there is a rebellion. Folk are tired of the corruption. We want our innocence back. You can bet that when the news emerged that FIFA executive committee members were arrested on corruption charges, football fans around the world were silently cheering.

Same reaction from athletics fans when news that high-ranking members of the IAAF suffered the same fate. With so much cheating on the field and so much corruption off it, you may think this is a bleak time for sport. On the contrary, this is what sport has needed: No longer in the dark, we now have the opportunity for change. From where did the malaise come? Do we blame the athlete because it is their body and what they put into it is ultimately their responsibility?

Or the trusted coach who says that, without doping, victory is unattainable? Or the governing body that publicly says doping is a scourge, but privately accepts its existence as an irrepressible evil? From where does the corruption come? What of the institutional corruption? Now US federal officers and the Swiss and French police are pursuing cases of suspected fraud in sport, and they do so with fans worldwide urging them on.

It was July We were all at Le Puy du Fou, a theme park set among the trees and beauty of the Vendée in western France. Les bébés lui doivent beaucoup. On se serait inspiré des modèles de Rousseau et Montesquieu. Ce dernier ne voulait pas la séparations stricte des trois pouvoirs? Les dogmes de la religion civile doivent être simples, en petit nombre, énoncés avec précision sans explications ni commentaires.

Il ne parle jamais de possible égalité totale. Y avait-il en lui un exhibitionniste? Et enfin, au terme de ce débat: Trois des grands philosophes en France de cette période des Lumières.

Julie ou la nouvelle Héloïse Les Confessions. Les rêveries du promeneur solitaire La profession de foi du vicaire savoyard. Lettres écrites de la montagne. Jean-Pierre Cléro et Thierry Ménissier. Rousseau, une politique de la vérité. Histoire de la philosophie. Collection, le Monde de la philosophie. Cette image, référence absolue peut hanter les esprits. Le héros accepte de mourir pour une cause, une religion, son peuple, etc.

Et il existe aussi, des héros dans les ouvrages littéraires. Mes héros vivent dans un monde de récits merveilleux et terrifiants. Sans leurs exemples, nous ne saurions peut-être pas que ce soit possible. En effet pour être un héros, il faut différentes qualités, comme savoir dominer sa peur et ne pas se laisser dominer par elle. Pendant la seconde guerre mondiales des héros également, hommes et femmes on résisté sous la torture, résisté pour ne pas dénoncer.

Et pourquoi il nous faut absolument un héros? Et je me pose cette autre question: Est-ce que les héros sont toujours des êtres exceptionnels? Cette notion de demi dieu est principalement une conception de la mythologie grecque. De nos jours on trouve dans la signification du mot héros quatre aspects.

Peu de héros sont sortis entiers de la boucherie de la grande guerre. Les héros peuplent notre récit national, ils sont souvent héros de champs de bataille, modèle de bravoure. Mais nos héros ne sont pas que des sabreurs. Donc la notion de héros reste entachée de subjectivité. Mais petit à petit ça a changé. Et on a fait un héros de Steeve Jobs, avec une histoire de garage, un mythe de plus.

Et oui, lors de la seconde guerre mondiale, certains ont considéré Hitler comme un héros. Parmi les personnages historiques, il y a, Marie Stuart, un personnage qui me passionne. Cela me dit que le héros peut être individuel, ou collectif. Je pense que le héros est un personnage propre à chacun. On a nos héros qui nous aident à avancer. Ce sont ces hommes qui ont osé désarmer un terroriste sur le train le Thalys, 28 août On en a fait un film, Le 15 h 17 pour Paris.

A 26 ans Einstein publie cinq articles dont chacun méritait le prix Nobel. Je ne veux pas tirer un trait sur les héros, mais pour Einstein, par exemple, il y avait un monde scientifique autour de lui, il a été un moteur.

Les grands scientifiques ne sont pas des héros. Par exemple, Plank, un des pères de la théorie quantique a été un collaborateur du nazisme.

Les héros nous sont imposés, héros fabriqués, bâtis parfois sur des mensonges. Fermez les yeux sur votre réalité, nous vous fabriquons une réalité à base de héros. On y retrouve le côté spectaculaire, théâtral de la prouesse. Et je reviens sur nos héros au Panthéon. Nous avons là des héros humanistes, plus près de nous…. Et toutes les religions offrent leur panoplie de héros. Le héros est toujours au-dessus du commun des mortels.

Les statues les élèvent. Il me parut laid et dit quelques banalités à la tribune tendue de tricolore. Un héros doit être beau. Un héros peut être constant, tout au long de ses conquêtes Alexandre le Grand gardera comme héros, Achille. Ceux qui font des attentats, les terroristes, les kamikazes, sont pour certains, des héros.

Il y a encore peu, lorsque vous alliez dans un pays étranger, et que vous disiez je suis français. Jadis, le travail bien fait, allait de soi. Les choses se séparent: Le résultat du travail, à savoir: Le plaisir premier, buccal et archaïque devient le plaisir archétype du bien. Je veux mon smartphone dès 10 ans, sinon je tape du pied: Voilà le produit moderne du système capitaliste, à savoir: Doit-on laisser agir le manipulateur de nous-mêmes, que nous sommes?

Doit-on, nous laisser infantiliser? A vous de le dire….. En transformant des produits, objets en désir, on en fait des raisons du désir. Nos désirs sont des paramètres économiques, facteur du taux de consommation, facteur de croissance. Nous sommes éduqués suivant ces critères. Que deviendrait notre société occidentale, si tout à coup, nous nous mettions à avoir des désirs se limitant aux seuls besoins naturels?

En fait, nous sommes parfois en face de pulsions, nous pouvons imaginer que céder à nos désirs est un acte de liberté, alors que nous ne sommes plus libres. Et je conclus ce propos: Il y a les désirs naturels et nécessaires manger, boire, dormir et réfléchir —philosopher.

Ils doivent être satisfaits par tous les êtres humains pour vivre. Il y a les désirs naturels et non nécessaires gourmandise, désir sexuel. Ils doivent être satisfaits modérément. Il y a les désirs artificiels de pouvoir, de luxe. Epicure nous invite donc à analyser nos désirs, à comprendre lesquels sont artificiels induits par le milieu dans lequel nous vivons?

Mais comment légiférer sur les désirs? Peut-on distinguer ceux qui peuvent être autorisés et ceux qui ne le peuvent pas? Le débat avait divisé les médecins, les représentants des Églises, les chercheurs spécialistes en gynécologie et en procréation artificielle.

Car il y a égalité de droits des femmes et des hommes. Ensuite, je fais la distinction entre droit naturel et désir. Il y a aussi des désirs personnels sur un plan tout à fait ordinaire, sans retentissement sociétal, et qui sont tout de même tyranniques. Et il y a la tyrannie des désirs crées, éveillés par la publicité.

Le suite de ce texte de Schopenhauer dit: Nous sommes tous ces êtres de désir, nous avons toute la vie pour atteindre un état de grandeur. Tous les désirs doivent être bien nommés. Quel pied de nez au cerveau. Il faut savoir, et choisir ce qui est bon ou pas de réaliser, sans mettre une barrière infranchissable. Le bouddhisme ne dit pas — A bas les désirs! On ne garde que les plaisirs nécessaires, comme chez Épicure.

Que suppose le dialogue? Une langue commune que ce soit une langue nationale ou ethnique ou un jargon, ou une langue symbolique, dans une discipline scientifique, économique, littéraire, médicale, religieux, maçonnique, politique, etc. Quelles formes le dialogue peut-il prendre? Ne parle-t-on pas aussi de dialogues dans les pièces de théâtre, les films etc. Il permet de demander des explications rationnelles, si possible. En revanche difficile de dire précisément sur quoi cela a débouché.

Le dialogue permet de développer des idées, voire faire avancer un débat, faire réfléchir. Cette définition nous éclaire bien pour notre débat. Je raffole des dialogues des fables de La Fontaines, où il fait parler les animaux à la place des humains, pour parler de nous. On a évoqué notre époque Internet, de la communication plus que du dialogue. On est plus vite dans la réaction, mais peut-être, que le fait de plus de spontanéité rend le propos plus naturel???

On y racontait des histoires, les plus jeunes chantaient avec leurs petites partitions ,couleur sépia , achetées sur des marchés. Me voilà incapable de recevoir les faveurs du chantre du jour, et de pondre.

Il y a quelque chose comme un échange. On a tendance à concentrer le propos au point de parfois lui faire perdre du sens.

Dans le dialogue il a un émetteur et un ou des récepteurs qui peuvent à leur tour devenir émetteur. Si on ne leur laisse pas le temps, ils ne parlent pas. Ils parlent à leur rythme, il faut leur laisser du temps pour que la pensée descende dans les mots. Définition du mot dialogue. De Stéphane de Freitas et Ladj Ly. Le problème est bien là: La question de la mort de la civilisation est une question qui nous concerne tous.

Dans notre vie quotidienne: Est-ce la fin de la civilisation occidentale? La civilisation européenne est-elle menacée? Et aussi sommes-nous à une phase de mutation irréversible de la civilisation humaine: Le groupe armé connu sous le nom de Boko Haram a revendiqué ces actes ayant pour cible la population civile. Alors il a pris une double signification. Et le changement de sens est significatif: La notion est précisée par la cour pénale internationale de , par le statut de Rome de Parce que la guerre est partout, avec un nouveau seuil de déshumanisation des civilisations.

Je ne suis pas experte en géopolitique, ni non plus en histoire du droit. Enfin la révolution numérique met-elle, en question toute civilisation humaine? Ce, grâce aux recherches en intelligence artificielle, en robotique, en génie génétique. En effet, nous pouvons penser que nous serons de plus en plus intelligents, de plus en plus capables de nous connaître, de connaître et notre passé individuel, et notre avenir individuel et collectif.

Nous allons devenir des algorithmes tout puissants. Saurons-nous fabriquer des intelligences conscientes? A nous de nous en inquiéter!! Puis au cinéma par le film: Donc du cinéma à la littérature nous sommes sans cesse alertés sur la mort des civilisations. Est-ce une perte des idéologies? Donc le terme, civilisation, perd grandement sa signification initiale. Pour moi, il faut distinguer deux types de civilisations. Les civilisations anciennes, dont il ne reste que des survivants et qui étaient basées, essentiellement sur des traditions et croyances, civilisations sur lesquelles se sont greffés les apports des technologies.

Pour que ces civilisations anciennes aient pu mourir, il a fallu parfois des ethnocides, et certaines ont été balayées par une colonisation folle. On peut citer plusieurs verrous de changement fondamentaux. Mais maintenant on est dans une autre dimension, le financiarisme qui bouleverse fondamentalement les choses. Sont-ils confrontés à un risque de déshumanisation? La civilisation ne meurt pas.

On arrive à un moment où on ne pourra plus évoluer, on arrivera à la perfection. Et ce qui meurt dans les civilisations qui meurent, ce sont souvent les langues. Et enfin, la question se pose: Il a fait des civilisations en se regroupant avec des intérêts communs, pas seulement des intérêts individuels.

Ce sont parfois les civilisations les plus évoluées et les plus cultivées qui ont basculé dans la barbarie Allemagne des années Pour moi, une civilisation morte serait, celle dont on a perdu le souvenir, un peu comme un cimetière abandonné, où même les noms auraient disparus des tombes.

Des tombes où, serait inscrit: Au-delà des chemins de vie reçus de nos ancêtres, nous sommes engagés dans cette mutation- évolution de notre civilisation, nous sommes plus moins sur le chemin. Un homme politique doit-il être irréprochable? Les journalistes, comme dans le Figaro, entre autres, continuent à parler de loi sur la moralisation de la vie politique alors que son intitulé reste: Et la classique, mais si simple définition de Socrate: Quant à la conscience, je retiens cette partie de la définition du Grand Robert de la langue française: Voilà en bref pour les définitions.

Plutôt Athènes que Sparte. Un proverbe espagnol illustre bien ceci: Alors la question de fond reste: Deleuze reprenait souvent cette formule: Autrement dit, quels sont les liens entre morale et politique. Puis mes réflexions suivantes seront: Et puis la formule que tout le monde connaît: Donc, toute théorie selon laquelle les moralistes abstraits, seraient au-dessus de la lutte des classes, ne prend pas en compte la réalité.

Formule qui nous met face à un dilemme, et difficulté supplémentaire, la question étant de savoir qui décide, non seulement des moyens, mais aussi des fins de nos actions. Donc la question des liens entre morale et politique est une question qui reçoit finalement plein de réponses. Je retiens particulièrement la réponse marxienne et sartrienne: Et que la politique, au contraire concerne le groupe, les groupes sociaux.

La politique au contraire est particulièrement concrète, ça dépend des conditions de la société. Ce sont des politiques concrètes qui répondent à de situations concrètes.

La morale fixe des limites morales, la politique concerne plutôt les moyens, les moyens pour une vision, un objectif social bien sûr. Mais je reviens au fond. Lequel rejoint la shoah. A partir de là, la morale disparaît totalement de la vision politique.

Et ici en France, le gouvernement a mis en place une loi de moralisation de la vie publique, mais ça reste un leurre. Il mettait en exergue que pour être un bon prince, il fallait à la fois, être bon, et être mauvais.

Il se servait de la morale religieuse. De la religion découle la morale, de la politique ne découle pas la morale. En laissant la morale de côté, on obtient certains progrès, je pense. De même que cela pourrait biaiser une politique à mettre en place. Je ne vois pas comment on peut être dans une société sans se poser la question sur les valeurs morales de cette société. On est bien obligés de respecter les règles morales de la société, on ne peut pas se comporter en être asocial.

Je vois plutôt une société en train de se dégrader. Ceci dit, le système actuel, que nous subissons, a toujours existé, que ce soit sous les monarchies ou tout autre système.

Ces élus, ce sont des gens qui ont adhéré à des idéaux, qui ont adhéré à un parti. Et on a évoqué moralité et légalité, on ne peut pas les opposer. Une loi reste morale, même si elle est modifiée comme la récente loi sur le travail. La morale a toujours existé, et bien avant les monothéistes. A partir du moment où il y a une société, il y a une morale qui se met en place.

Et je reviens sur cette décision politique de lâcher la bombe atomique. En politique, nous évoluons entre: A Éthique de conviction, où mes décisions se plient à mon idéal politique, à un dogme. B Éthique de responsabilité, où la finalité de mon action comme objectif, définit les moyens, les actions.

Les conséquences sont imputables à ma propre action. Ce sont des aspects incontournables pour tout homme politique. Parfois on peut avoir raison avec Sartre. Parfois on peut avoir raison avec Aron. Je ne me résigne pas à cette séparation. Pourquoi tout ce battage? Pourquoi la démission de trois ministres en quelques semaines? Ces élus ont fait campagne. Et ça ne suffirait pas! Et enfin, question subsidiaire: Parce que ce sont des politiciens, et il faut distinguer homme politique, et homme politicien.

Et en ce sens, effectivement on peut reprendre le propos de Machiavel précisant que pour conserver le pouvoir, la fin justifie les moyens, et que ceux qui veulent prendre et garder le pouvoir, ne se préoccupent ni du bien ni du mal.

Cela oblige, comme déjà dit de distinguer éthique et morale, et aussi se poser la question de savoir si la morale a existé de tout temps dans les sociétés. Si elles étaient morales sous Hitler, sous Pol Pot.

Si les lois sont morales avec Trump, avec Macron. Et je reviens sur morale et éthique. Alors au-delà de cette distinction, on va dire, oui! Je prends deux exemples: On a parlé de guerre et de morale. La morale est sociétale. Et il convient de bien les distinguer, car on a vu des lois immorales sous le régime nazi. Il faut tenir compte de la diversité, des catégories sociales qui suivant leurs propres intérêts établissent leurs valeurs morales.

Là encore, la fin justifie les moyens. Je reviens sur la représentation politique et les obligations morales qui y sont liées. Qui imagine le général de Gaulle après ses mandats de Président de la République allant travailler dans un organisme financier? Je pense aux deux Présidents de la République mis en examen. Par ailleurs, pour souligner que conscience collective et conscience personnelle ne peuvent être totalement dissociées, même au-delà des oppositions: Elle abordait en fait un problème moral qui touchait tous les Français, toutes les Françaises en premier lieu, et ceci au-delà des catégories sociales.

Et je reviens sur une action politique et politicienne. Ni de quelque parti que ce soit. Quand je dois faire mon devoir de citoyen, je prends cela en considération. Et enfin, je dirai que: Elle est la vertu de la philosophie. Mais il est inconcevable que la vertu, puisse naître, se maintenir, et porter ses fruits dans une âme obscure et troublée. La racine de la morale est dans la conscience.

Toute conscience est implicitement morale. Jean-Jacques Rousseau, même, a pu soutenir que la conscience est juge infaillible du bien et du mal. Poche Soi-même comme un autre. La politique est-elle un métier? Les chemins de la philosophie France-Culture. Nous sommes tous différents, et à la fois, nous sommes tous semblables. Avec toutes ses caractéristiques, notre identité constitue un caractère unique. Nous ne sommes pas des cellules dupliquées.

Donc entre identité personnelle, et identité collective, quels liens? Notre identité numérique est désormais enregistrée, stockée en yottabits.

Notre identité est donc une identité de faits, de multiples aléas, un agrégat de situations. Alors, avant de voir les liens et interactions entre identité individuelle et identité collective, comment concevoir son identité individuelle?

Mon identité primitive est la base de la personnalité qui va se créer tout au long de la vie, avec ses traits identitaires acquis par mimétisme. Cela pourra-t-il se réaliser par clonage? Il y a une constance, comme une essence de la personne.

Et mon sentiment est que: On utilise souvent ces deux termes, tempérament et caractère, de façon indifférente. Et comment reste-t-on soi-même? Ceci dans tous les domaines qui peuvent rassembler.

Comment faire groupe et ne pas perdre son identité? Il faut pouvoir sortit du désir mimétique. Ce sera par exemple des cheveux verts ou bleus, voire certains percings, certains tatouages, tout cela pour se différencier, se donner une personnalité spécifique peut-être pour palier un manque de personnalité.

Je ne remets pas en question la liberté de se vêtir de telle ou telle façon. De même, la tenue vestimentaire quand tous suivent une mode, identifie et rend plus anonyme tout à la fois. Au-delà il fallait sauver les apparences, garder le masque. Ainsi, elle a été avec Georges Sand parmi les premières femmes à sortir du marquage vestimentaire. Rendez-vous compte de toutes ces infinies caractéristiques, pas deux êtres pareils avons-nous dit. Comment la nature peut-elle faire une chose aussi extraordinaire?

Et nous avons évoqué la perte des états antérieurs, oui! Notre identité est divisible indéfiniment, et opposable indéfiniment. Notre histoire, notre drapeau, nos drames vécus et surmontés, notre culture, un certain art de vivre, tout cela nous le partageons, et rares seront ceux qui veulent remettre en cause quoi que ce soit.

Alors que des pays affichent leur drapeau, leur identité, à tout bout de champ, ce qui frise parfois le nationalisme, les Français sont priés de mettre leur drapeau dans la poche.

Je vois des gens se promener avec des T-shirts ou pulls avec le drapeau des USA. Nous avons parfois entendu je suis musulman et français, alors que, Finkielkraut dit de lui: Cela peut amener une pensée sclérosée parce que nous sommes dans un système fermé. Toute communauté est fermée.

Dans ce même sens, les événements, les époques, peuvent décider des orientations identitaires. Pourquoi ne pas avoir la fierté de son pays? On dit par exemple, les Français aiment le fromage. Mais moi, je déteste le fromage. Après les tueries de Charlie-Hebdo, des millions de Français sont sortis spontanément dans la rue, les drapeaux tricolores ont été mis aux fenêtres.

Et la question qui semble posée quant à cette identité collective, question philosophique serait: Et je retiens de cet ouvrage, plus particulièrement ceci: Traité sur la nature humaine. Etrangers sur la terre. Quels médias en parlent? Cela nous rappelle que des enfants qui ont recherché leur parent biologique sont allés parfois au-devant de grosses désillusions.

Que ce soit nous, directement, nos parents. Nous avons parfois des parents dans le cimetière de ce village, ça crée un lien. Mais peut-être que certaines personnes ne le ressentent pas ainsi. Je suis allé voir ce village dont je porte le nom. Et en ce sens, la question: Et bien, je réponds, non! Et en ce sens je voudrais reprendre un exemple de Descartes, qui dit: Pour le Grand Robert de la langue française: Dans les définitions ressortent les mots: Pour telle personne, se plier aux règles serait abandonner une part de sa personnalité.

Ainsi la politesse me semble grandir celui qui en use. La politesse maintient, voire, ouvre la relation: Je regarde qui pose la question.

Son argument peut être résumé en plusieurs points. Petite vertu, en tout cas, comme on dit des dames du même nom. La politesse se moque de la morale, et la morale de la politesse. Rien, bien sûr, et la politesse est bien caractérisée par ce rien. Et pas davantage le nourrisson ni, pendant longtemps, le petit enfant.

La règle suffit, qui précède le jugement et le fonde. Or, nous ne sommes plus des enfants. Ainsi tutoyer dans tel ou tel pays est incorrect, et naturel ailleurs.

On la dit liée à notre civilisation, mais chez tous les peuples il y a eu des codes, souvent liés aux hiérarchies sociales. Les colonisations, le partage du monde, ont dû participer à une certaine uniformisation des règles de politesse. Le bonjour dans sa forme a un sens: Et nous avons évoqué, politesse et civilité.

Pour beaucoup on leur explique: On va leur dire quoi? Il faut payer 1. Je me fis cynique et caustique par honte.

Quel est le véritable bénéfice du merci pour celui qui sait exprimer sa gratitude? Mais, je reste confiant, la politesse cet art de vivre ensemble, ne semble pas réellement en régression, et nous sommes très nombreux à vouloir la défendre; déjà notre débat en témoigne.

Et enfin, politesse et sincérité se trouvent souvent opposées, ce qui nous a donné ces délicieux vers de Molière dans la misanthrope:. Discours sur les sciences et les arts. Petit traité des grandes vertus.

Quelles valeurs partager et comment les partager? Restitution du débat du 29 avril à Chevilly-Larue. Atelier de Nicolas de Largillière. Portrait de Voltaire, Détail. Biographie , 1 ère partie Danielle: De Arouet à Voltaire: Filiation, études, jeunesse et Angleterre. Il a comme frère aîné, Armand Arouet, avocat au Parlement, très engagée dans le jansénisme. Le père de Voltaire, travailleur austère et probe, aux relations importantes, arrondit encore la fortune familiale.

Études chez les Jésuites: Arouet est un élève brillant, vite célèbre par sa facilité à versifier. Bien que très critique en ce qui concerne la religion en général, il garde toute sa vie une grande vénération pour son professeur jésuite Charles Porée. Débuts comme homme de lettres et premières provocations: Mais son éloignement ne dure pas. À Noël , il est de retour, chassé de son poste et des Pays-Bas pour cause de relations tapageuses avec une demoiselle.

Il est si brillant et si amusant que la haute société se dispute sa présence. Le 4 mai , il est exilé à Tulle. Arouet a alors 23 ans et restera embastillé durant onze mois. De nombreuses hypothèses ont été avancées: Le 18 novembre , sa première pièce écrite sous le pseudonyme de Voltaire, Oedipe, obtient un immense succès.

En janvier , il subit une humiliation qui va le marquer toute sa vie. Quelques jours plus tard, dans la rue, il est frappé à coups de gourdin par les laquais du chevalier.

Blessé et humilié, Voltaire veut obtenir réparation, mais aucun de ses amis aristocrates ne prend son parti. Contexte politique et social Guy: Voltaire aurait-il pu écrire le dictionnaire philosophique ans plus tard, peut probable! Cent ans plus tôt, encore moins! Monument intellectuel où vont participer personnalités, dont des écrivains, des industriels, des nobles, neuf abbés, trois pasteurs.

La religion de Voltaire? Dans le Dictionnaire philosophique, en effet, le mot enthousiasme reçoit la définition suivante: A Ferney, chaque 24 août jour anniversaire de la Saint-Barthélemy, où protestants furent massacrés , Voltaire avait la fièvre.

Voltaire y dépeint la violence de son époque. Il va, tout au long de son périple, se faire rouler dans la farine, détrousser, rosser. Il lui faudra apprendre à rendre les coups. Quant au rapport à la religion à cette époque, elle a une autorité presque totalitaire, et toujours culpabilisant encore le peuple. Même si la religion a évolué, même au-delà de Voltaire il y a encore des gens des gens qui ont besoin de religion, voire même une simple croyance comme chez Voltaire.

Il est monarchiste, mais favorable à un monarque éclairé. Toute sa pensée en fait un des précurseurs de la Révolution. Je me souviens des paroles de la chanson de Gavroche: Et il lui a adressé ce courrier en vers comme il se devait: On voit là, cette vénération pour Voltaire. La religion de Voltaire Edith 2 ème partie: Le spectateur ferait la comparaison.

Zaïre dont la destinée illustre si bien cette vérité, le dit, dans ces vers: Elles sont diverses, alors que la vérité est une.

Et à ce trait, les jansénistes se reconnurent. Ce sera ma prochaine intervention. P assionné par la poésie, la philosophie, le théâtre, élève brillant, il est surdoué. M assives, les dévotions diverses provoquent chez lui un rejet de la religiosité.

S es contes philosophiques, orientaux ont traversé ce siècle dit des lumières mouvementé. I ndigné par les injustices, ses pamphlets mordants, raisonnés, sensés, ont été salutaires.

N ombreuses sont ses lettres parues dans les 13 volumes de La Pléiade, quelle notoriété! É puisé, il décède à Paris puis enterré à Ferney, il entre au Panthéon en , quel bel itinéraire! Je considère, en regard de ce que je sais de Voltaire, que ça a été surtout un grand pamphlétaire, un grand propagandiste.

Eux, ils ont amené des choses fondamentalement nouvelles. Voltaire veut être riche pour être un écrivain indépendant. Le cadavre doit être enterré dans un terrain vague sans aucun monument.

Là encore, Voltaire fait la comparaison. Depuis des mois, sa santé délabrée fait que Voltaire vit sans maîtresse. Ils vont connaître dix années de bonheur et de vie commune. La passion se refroidit ensuite. À sa mort, en , elle ne sera jamais remplacée.

Voltaire restaure Cirey grâce à son argent. Les journées sont studieuses. En , Voltaire reçoit la première lettre du futur roi de Prusse. En , il est aidé par la conjoncture: Son amitié avec le roi de Prusse est un atout. Il a 56 ans. Il ne reste que six mois à Paris. Il part en juin pour la cour de Prusse. Voltaire va passer plus de deux ans et demi en Prusse. Un pamphlet de Voltaire contre Maupertuis provoque la rupture. Voltaire demande son congé. Il se dirige alors, par Lyon, vers Genève.

Il pense trouver un havre de liberté dans cette république calviniste de notables et de banquiers cultivés parmi lesquels il compte de nombreux admirateurs et partisans. Les Délices annoncent Ferney. Voltaire embellit la maison, y mène grand train, reçoit beaucoup, donne en privé des pièces de théâtre. Voltaire est devenu riche et en est fier. Les visiteurs de Voltaire, sont en général frappés par le charme de sa conversation, la vivacité de son regard, sa maigreur, son accoutrement.

Ferney est la période la plus active de la vie de Voltaire. Suite dans la troisième partie. Il lui faut donner des gages, revenir en religion. Lorsque le curé est parti, il saute de son lit comme un cabri et dit: Flammarion , Roger-Pol Droit, donne un bon portrait de Voltaire: Voilà au premier regard ce qui caractérise Voltaire.

Voltaire prend toujours des risques avec sa plume. Je reçois cent estocades: Et Voltaire fit un pamphlet: La religion de Voltaire. Celui-là a en effet une religion. Et puis dans la deuxième partie de sa vie de à , Voltaire passe au théisme. Le mot de théisme était plus neuf et plus noble. Il désignait une conviction plus positive: Le théisme fut la religion primitive, simple et rationnelle. Mais on le retrouve encore au fond de toutes les religions. Socrate fut théiste, et Jésus, et même Mahomet.

Ils ne persécutent pas les superstitieux si leur superstition est inoffensive. Le tolérant théiste prend soin de marquer cependant une hiérarchie: Le théisme est le père. Biographie 3 ème partie: Il aurait assassiné son fils, qui voulait se convertir au catholicisme. Des témoignages le persuadent de son innocence. Le chevalier de La Barre, âgé de 19 ans, est condamné à avoir la langue coupée, puis à être décapité et brûlé. Les capitaux que Voltaire investit tirent Ferney de la misère.

Il fait construire des maisons pour accueillir de nouveaux habitants, développe des activités économiques, soieries, horlogerie surtout. Bien avant la mort de Louis XV, Voltaire souhaite revenir à Paris après une absence de près de 28 ans.

À la fin, on lui apporte une couronne de laurier dans sa loge et son buste est placé sur un piédestal au milieu de la scène. Voltaire a 83 ans. Il veut se prémunir contre un refus de sépulture. Voltaire refuse de se renier. Un arrangement est trouvé. Le 31 mai, selon sa volonté, M. Le corps est ensuite embaumé par M. Le 31 mai, le corps de Voltaire embaumé est installé assis, tout habillé et bien ficelé, avec un serviteur, dans un carrosse qui arrive à Scellières le lendemain après-midi.

Le transfert de la sépulture à Ferney devient impossible. Il faut trouver une solution. Villette fait campagne pour le transfert à Paris des restes du grand homme il a déjà débaptisé de sa propre autorité le quai des Théatins en y apposant une plaque: Voltaire le suit le 11 juillet.

Sur le sarcophage se lit une inscription: Alors sommes-nous plus voltairiens que cartésiens? Et de Voltaire nous avons hérité des modifications de règles de grammaire. La figure de Voltaire resurgit chaque fois que la liberté est bafouée. La religion de Voltaire, dernière partie: Contre la cabale des athées, contre le fanatisme, il récapitule toutes les preuves historiques du théisme. A la fin de son ouvrage il construit un nouveau Temple: Il conserve le culte public: Il propose de transformer les couvents en asiles où les vieillards et les invalides finiraient leurs jours dans la paix.

La mort de César Brutus. Le fanatisme ou Mahomet Éryphile. Disponible à la médiathèque de Chevilly-Larue. Voltaire, sa jeunesse et son temps. Voltaire contra los fanaticos. Les chemins de la philosophie. Le siècle de Lumières. De Voltaire à Rivarol. Podcast Le collège de France. Le retour du fils prodigue, par Lucio Massari. Elle voudra que tu pardonnes et tu pardonneras. Ne jamais pardonner, cela peut être ressenti comme un enfermement en soi.

Le pardon participe à la reconstruction de soi, comme une guérison. Le premier geste, envoyer le premier signal? Alors, comment pouvons-nous comme dans la prière Pater noster pieusement: Alors, en dehors de comment pardonner, on peut se dire aussi, quand faut-il pardonner? Comment un Tutsi peut-il pardonner à un Hutu.. Voyons ce que chacun en pense! Ça ne peut concerner que deux individus et pas toute une société qui devrait demander pardon, ou pardonner.

Démarche qui touche à la psychologie, comme à la morale. Celle-ci porteuse de sentiments de bienveillance. Alors si je me dis: Mais je ne veux pas pour autant, que le pardon soit la tolérance totale. Ce qui, somme toute, est gratuit, tenant du simulacre où chacun est abusé. Si je ne pardonne pas je deviens fou.

Et quant à dire, le pardon peut me faire oublier, je pense à Marin Luther King, qui dans son ouvrage: Puis survient un décès, on aurait voulu faire un pas, faire un geste, trop tard. Peut-on en tirer la leçon? Si en toute sincérité une personne reconnaît une faute, une erreur, il semblerait inhumain de refuser.

Et puis la grande question que tant de personnes doivent se poser: Comment envoyer des signes? Pour ceux qui en ont une expérience: Chaque année en Bretagne ont lieu des rencontres religieuses, processions, pour le Pardon dit: Pardonner est ce soulagement qui créé comme une renaissance à soi.

Souvent je reste éveillé pendant la nuit,.. Mes enfants ne connaissent pas de Juifs.. On vous fera grâce de notre choucroute et de notre bière. Je vous pris de croire…]. Marie Madeleine au désert de la Beaume. Elle se trouve au-delà de la physique, soit métaphysique. Si Dieu est un besoin, alors cela réduit la foi à peu de chose. Un moment de plénitude. Osons le dire, une certaine approche du sublime. Moments nous dirait Spinoza, où: Il y a là, tous les symboles: Là aussi une spiritualité cosmique.

Il y a une demande de spiritualité chez les agnostiques comme chez les athées. Ce spirituel et les rituels sont une piste de réflexion dans ce domaine Les hommes, disais-je, trouvent leurs voies spirituelles, par divers moyens, le plus connu étant les religions, puis les sectes, et divers mouvements ésotériques. Tous ces exercices de méditation utilisent les termes: Je laisse aussi cette question pour le débat Je ne retiens pas les termes utilisés souvent dans ce domaine qui sont: Nous sommes alors dans une façon de penser dualiste.

On retrouve cette opposition de valeur dans la forme de penser chrétienne: Pour Voltaire, au 18ème siècle: Il y a aussi les médecins spirituels, les pères spirituels, les guides spirituels, les confesseurs: Ce sera ma première contribution à la question posée. Un enseignement laïc de la morale pour tous les élèves dès la rentrée Préparé en relation avec le conseil supérieur des programmes, cet enseignement doit pouvoir être assuré par tout enseignant.

La spiritualité touche à la mort, le but de la vie, ou son but sa fin. La mort est-elle un terme, ou un recommencement? Et la métaphysique, elle, elle cherche les causes premières.

Ça a commencé avec les grands poètes, les aèdes, les mythes grecs…. On a trouvé en Afrique du sud des gravures pariétales, symboles de spiritualité, datant de Une appartenance au-delà de mon temps. Au-delà de mon temps de vie, je serai dans les strates de cette coulée de vie, depuis le premier homme, depuis la première femme.

Les pages sur la spiritualité dans de nouveaux magazines de psychologie dopent les ventes. On peut faire une deuxième lecture affective, jusque là, ça va. On peut faire une troisième lecture intellectuelle.

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